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mercredi 18 juin 2025

 The October Revolution and the emergence of Soviet domination in the Caucasus (1917-1922) and Turkish-Soviet relations


Dr. Vazeh ASGAROV

Doctor of the University of Strasbourg
Vice-Rector of the Azerbaijan State Oil and Industry University (ASOIU)
Email:
vazeh.askarov@asoiu.edu.az

https://orcid.org/0009-0003-0246-7069


 Keywords: emigration, Soviet era, Soviet Azerbaijan, Red Army, Turkish-Soviet relations

 

Abstract: The October Revolution of 1917 gave rise to a Provisional Government in Russia, which resulted in significant territorial losses for Russia due to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The loss of Baku in 1918 had serious repercussions for the Russian economy. In early 1920, the rapidly expanding Bolsheviks sought to reestablish their influence in the Caucasus and established diplomatic relations with Azerbaijan. An ultimatum from the Azerbaijani Communist Party, issued on April 27, 1920, resulted in the proclamation of a Soviet Republic after Bolshevik forces entered Baku on April 30. This occupation marked the end of Azerbaijan's democratic development for at least 70 years. Despite some disagreements among local leaders, the Azerbaijani parliament ceded power to the Bolsheviks, recognizing the strategic importance of Azerbaijan, particularly its oil resources, to Soviet industrial efforts. This occupation laid the foundation for strengthening Soviet control over the Caucasus.

In the early 20th century, relations between Kemalist Turkey and Bolshevik Russia intensified after the October Revolution of 1917, marked by abandoned tsarist ambitions and a shared desire to unify Muslim peoples. In 1921, the Russo-Turkish Treaty of Moscow sealed a pragmatic alliance, in which the Bolsheviks supported the Turkish resistance against the Western powers. This alliance allowed the Bolsheviks to extend their influence in the Caucasus, particularly in Azerbaijan, where they established a Soviet regime after occupying Baku in 1920. However, the collaboration did not last. Diverging interests and rising tensions led to a deterioration in relations. In 1922, Mustafa Kemal sought to distance Turkey from communism to strengthen his position against the Allies. This initial alliance between Turkey and the Soviets evolved into a real rivalry. The events of this period profoundly influenced the geopolitics of the region and cemented Soviet domination over Azerbaijan.

 

The Political Situation in Azerbaijan on the Eve of the Occupation by the Red Army

With the outbreak of the October Revolution in 1917, Russia became a republic with a provisional government headed by Alexander Kerensky[1]. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed with the Germans resulted in territorial concessions to Poland, part of Ukraine, the Baltic States, and others, amounting to approximately 800,000 km². However, the loss of the Baku region in 1918 had harsh consequences for Russia, particularly as a result of the economic blockade. With the shift in the situation in Russia in favor of the Bolsheviks in early 1920, the question of Russian influence in the Caucasus and Central Asia was resurrected. At this time, diplomatic correspondence between Moscow and Baku began with the proposal for a military alliance against Anton Denikin[2]. The Soviet Russian government, which initiated this dialogue, did not aim to establish diplomatic and economic relations with Azerbaijan, but rather to gain time for the preparation of military operations and, if the negotiations were successful, to involve the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in the conflict with Denikin in order to facilitate a seized recovery of the Republic. However, by the beginning of 1920, the danger of Denikin had been replaced by the Bolshevik threat. Receiving three telegrams in a short time, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Azerbaijan replied that the threat of Denikin was an internal matter of Russia and that Azerbaijan, as a sovereign state, did not allow itself to interfere in the affairs of another sovereign state. Minister F. Khoyski recognized the need to establish good neighborly relations between the Russian and Azerbaijani peoples and emphasized that recognition of the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan could serve as a condition for the start of these negotiations (I. Aliyev, 1995: 202).

In April 1920, the Entente leaders, having once again reviewed plans for military aid to the Transcaucasian republics, concluded that they lacked the strength to help them. In early April 1920, a detachment of the 11th Red Army appeared on the border of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and began intensive preparations for an attack on the country. The Azerbaijani Bolsheviks demonstrated courage and determination to inspire the working masses to address the urgent tasks of the revolution. They organized conferences and reports in factories and oil fields, preparing workers for political struggle, and consolidating international unity. Nariman Narimanov[3] found time to visit the workers. The lectures on the Russian Revolution, entitled "Political Parties and Their Program," "Our Views on the Russian Revolution," and "The Russian Revolution and Its Influence on Iran," were warmly received (Ahmedov, 1984).

On April 27, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan formed a Temporary Revolutionary Committee chaired by Narimanov. He sent an ultimatum to the government of the republic, which was completely unprepared for such a development of events. The armed workers' detachments quickly took control of the oil fields, government offices, the post office, the telegraph, the railway station, and the radio station.

On the night of April 28, the parliament accepted the ultimatum and Azerbaijan was immediately proclaimed a Soviet Republic. On April 30, the detachment of the 11th Red Army entered Baku. A group of Turkish officers led by Khalil Pasha actively contributed to encouraging the local population not to resist the Red Army. Thus, as a result of Russia's intervention, the National Government of Azerbaijan was overthrown, which interrupted the development of democracy in Azerbaijan for at least 70 years. The eternal happiness of the Republic of Azerbaijan is linked to Russia... Without Soviet Russia there is no Soviet Azerbaijan, N. Narimanov launched a slogan whose words expressed the hopes of the entire Azerbaijani people from the first days of the establishment of Soviet power in Azerbaijan (Ahmedov, 1984: 25).

Azerbaijani Defense Minister S. Mehmandarov, who had full responsibility for defending the country and knew that the entire army was assembled in Karabakh to calm the multi-ethnic conflict, declared that it was useless to resist and that this opposition would not bring any positive results. Despite the refusal of some Mussavatists such as M. E. Rasoulzade and Ch. Rustembeyli, Parliament decided to cede power to the Bolsheviks.

After the occupation of Azerbaijan, the Russians mobilized on the Polish borders. The plan to occupy the entire Caucasus would be realized a little later, with Armenia in December 1920 and Georgia in February 1921 (Mahmudov, 2005). The occupation of Azerbaijan, especially the city of Baku, was so important to the Bolsheviks that Lenin expressed his certainty on April 29, saying: "We know that our industry has ground to a halt due to a lack of fuel. We have just learned that the proletariat has seized power in Baku. This means that we now have an economic base capable of supporting the operation of our entire industry" (Asgarov, 2014: 139).

The Bolshevik leadership had always considered this region an integral part of Russia, which in this matter drew closer to its main adversary – the leaders of the "White movement". However, unlike Denikin, the Bolsheviks were able to demonstrate a certain political pragmatism that allowed them to achieve a convincing strategic victory – by 1921, the entire Transcaucasus was tightly controlled by Moscow and soon became part of a united State.

From April 1920, a new stage began for Azerbaijan, which preserved its "independence" after the establishment of Soviet power. On April 30, a military-economic treaty was signed between Russia and Azerbaijan. Foreign representations, including the Russian consulate, operated in Azerbaijan. Evidence of Azerbaijan's successful policy during this period can be seen in its efforts to defend Azerbaijan's territorial integrity, as well as the Moscow and Kars treaties and the Genoa Conference. In 1920, the first Congress of the Peoples of the East took place in Baku. Realizing that the countries of the East were not aspiring to revolutions, the Bolsheviks, taking into account their political interests, abandoned the idea of ​​maintaining Azerbaijan's independence. In December 1922, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia formed a temporary union. The creation of the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR 1922-1936) was the first step towards the loss of "independence" (Asgarov, 2022). The creation of the USSR on December 30, 1922, put an end to this freedom for Azerbaijan. Despite retaining a number of state attributes, including the flag, coat of arms, anthem, and constitution, the state lost its status as a subject of international law in several areas.

On May 12, 1920, the Internal Commissariat abolished all ranks of Azerbaijani citizens. The third act of this decree provided for the transfer of all property of merchants and wealthy people to the Committee of the Revolutionary Army. For example, on June 21, 1920, the Tagiev Cotton Factory was proclaimed property of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic and renamed in honor of Lenin. At the age of 96, Tagiev was deprived of all his possessions and returned to his residence on the Apsheron Peninsula. He died in poverty. A few years later, his youngest daughter, Sona Khanim, was found begging on a Baku street with a piece of dry bread in her hand (Suleymanov, 1996).

In the 19th century, oil transformed Baku into a major capital. With its large number of millionaires, the city held a leading position in the region. Baku's "black gold" attracted specialists from all over the world. Among them were scientists, chemists, talented engineers and architects, builders and inventors, as well as world oil millionaires such as the Nobel brothers, the Rothschild brothers, the Artemov brothers, etc. During this period, the city also had several wealthy oilmen from Baku, including the most famous Haci Zeynalabdin Taghiyev, Agha Musa Nagiyev, Murtuza Mukhtarov, Semsi Esedullayev, Isa Bey Hajjinsky, etc. However, Baku's millionaires were different from their counterparts because they did not inherit from their families and had gone from workers to millionaires. Some of them played an important role in the economic, social, and cultural development of pre-revolutionary Baku. The city attracted a large number of migrants: Jews from Russia, Germans, Armenians, and Azerbaijanis (from both Russia and Persia). With the oil boom, cultural life flourished. The opening of theaters and the construction of the Opera House made Baku known as the Paris of the Caucasus. In the early 1920s, with the nationalization of the assets of millionaires, some managed to flee abroad; others continued their resistance until their deaths.

In September 1920, Azerbaijan no longer had the right to maintain its own army. At that time, the signing of the unification of the economy, finance, transportation, and military of Azerbaijan with Russia gave all power to Moscow.

The years 1922 and 1991 encompassed the period of the establishment of Soviet power in Azerbaijan, which led to its existence for 70 years within the framework of Soviet power and the Soviet state. During these years, a rich economic and intellectual potential was created in Azerbaijan. However, the history of Soviet Azerbaijan began with repression and revolts. In the 1930s, massive "cleansing" began in the USSR. In 1936, the RSFSR was abolished and the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic was incorporated into the USSR as an independent republic ruled by Moscow. Azerbaijani Turks officially began to call themselves Azerbaijanis, and their national language became Azerbaijani.

  

Turkish-Soviet Relations at the Beginning of the 20th Century

After the Bolshevik victory over the White armies in 1920-1921, the liberal Soviet policy towards the Muslim peoples of Russia did not last long. Soviet rule was established in all the Muslim territories of former Russia. It was also necessary to establish an alliance between the Kemalist and Bolshevik powers. Beginning in 1919 and continuing until early 1921, this Turkish-Soviet alliance presented the Allies with a formidable alliance, each ready to take advantage of the first sign of weakness in its partner. Finally, on March 16, 1921, a treaty called the Russian-Turkish Treaty of Moscow was signed (Mandelstam, 1970). The Turkish-Soviet rapprochement and the attempt at Bolshevization of Anatolia had a significant impact on Turkish-Azerbaijani relations. Six months after the first treaty was signed, on October 13, 1921, another treaty (Kars) was signed. With this last treaty signed, on the one hand between the Soviet republics of Transcaucasia (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia) and on the other hand with Kemalist Turkey, the borders of these countries were fixed and the movement of the population towards Turkiye was limited. The situation of Azerbaijani migrants in Turkiye, no longer having any contact with these countries, has become difficult. With the border closure, many politically engaged people could no longer escape reprisals from the new government.

The Turkish-Soviet approach takes us to April 1916, two years before the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed on March 3, 1918, when the great powers of the Entente divided the territories of the Ottoman Empire among themselves by secret treaty. Tsarist Russia's gains after this agreement were the recognition of rights to Constantinople (Istanbul), the Dardanelles, and a large eastern part of the Empire. However, with the 1917 revolution, the Bolsheviks changed their position and put an end to tsarist ambitions, encouraging Mustafa Kemal to organize resistance against the Franco-British. The Bolsheviks, "in the name of peace," having emerged victorious from the First World War, almost immediately found themselves allies of Turkiye. The international situation and the influence of European countries on Turkey and Soviet Russia provoked their alliance despite all their traditionally problematic relations. According to Paul Dumont, the first Turkish-Bolshevik relations began in May 1919. Soviet Colonel Budennyj, while in Turkey, provided weapons, ammunition, and money in exchange for the installation of a regime based on Bolshevik principles in Anatolia (Dumont, 1977/1: 167). Knowing that there were approximately 25 million Muslims in Russia at the time, the Soviets' relations with the Turks were explained by their desire to bring the Muslim world to their side and by the hope of Bolshevizing Anatolia. The task of communist propaganda among the Muslim people of Turkey was carried out by Mustafa Suphi, the leader of the Turkish Communist Party[4].

The Turkish communist leader mobilized Turkish prisoners in Russia and, with his 200 collaborators, led by Khalil Pasha and other Turkish officers, assisted the Red Army in the "liberation" of Azerbaijan[5].

Mustafa Suphi


Source: V.Asgarov, 2022: 116

However, Turkiye concerned about its independence from the Western powers, needed military and diplomatic support from Soviet Russia. In 1920, Russia established close contacts with representatives of Mustafa Kemal, who had come to head the Turkish administration. The offensive of British troops in Istanbul on March 16, 1920, had a decisive influence on the nature of Turkish-Soviet relations in obtaining military aid. Mustafa Kemal's letter to Lenin on April 26, 1920, states the following: If Soviet forces begin military operations against Georgia, or if diplomatic relations force Georgia to join the union to expel the British from the Caucasus, the Turkish government would undertake military operations against imperialist Armenia and undertake to force the Republic of Azerbaijan into the Soviet Union (Aliyev, 1995: 203).

The rapprochement with the Turks gave the Bolsheviks an additional opportunity to attract a large number of the Muslim population of the Caucasus to their side. As Ordzhonikidze pointed out to Lenin: Immediately after the capture of Baku, Turkish soldiers and officers played a very active role in the revolution, which forced the government to flee Baku (Volkhonskiy, Mukhanov, 2007). Researcher R. Moustafazade believes that Kemalist Turkey's approach to Soviet Russia was the most important factor in the fall of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan (Mustafazade, 2006: 44). Paul Dumont (1977/1: 169) points out in his article, "Turkish-Soviet Relations of 1919-1922," that: "The nationalist strategy had from this time on as its main focus the creation of a common border with the Bolsheviks in order to facilitate the arrival of the expected aid. In short, it was a matter of assisting in the Bolshevization of Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia in exchange for Soviet support for the Anatolian cause.

After the occupation of Baku, the Eleventh Red Army's promise to save Turkey was not fulfilled. Turkish officers were either arrested or sent back to Turkiye. Mustafa Subhi himself was assassinated in Trabzon. The Turks believed that the arrival of the Red Army in Azerbaijan would deal a blow to the Entente, their common enemy, and that this would contribute to more effective collaboration between Turkey and the Soviets. The lack of interest in the Sovietization of the power in Ankara led, in March 1922, to the deterioration of Turkish-Soviet relations and the resumption of collaboration with the Allies and good neighborliness. As Paul Dumont explains: […] Mustafa Kemal wanted to improve the image of nationalist Turkey before entering into negotiations with the Allies. This was […] to signal to the capitalist world that Turkey was closed to communism and that it would never tolerate Bolshevik interference in its affairs (Dumont, 1977/1: 184).

Conclusion

The period following the October Revolution of 1917 was crucial for Russia and the Caucasus region, marked by profound transformations and major geopolitical shifts. The loss of Baku and the establishment of a Soviet Republic in Azerbaijan not only weakened the Russian economy but also laid the foundations for lasting Soviet control over the Caucasus. The alliance between Kemalist Turkey and the Bolsheviks, while initially promising, quickly collapsed due to diverging interests, highlighting tensions between national aspirations and political ideologies. This complex context profoundly influenced regional dynamics, fostering Soviet domination that would persist for decades. An analysis of this period reveals the interconnectedness of events at the local and international levels, thus shaping the future of many Caucasus countries and their relations with the great powers of the time.

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[1] Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky (02/05/1881 - 11/06/1970) held various ministerial positions in the first two governments of Prince Georgy Lvov and after the February Revolution and was the president of the next two until the Bolsheviks took power during the October Revolution.

[2] Anton Ivanovich Denikin (born 04/12/1872 in Poland, died 08/08/1947 in the United States). Russian general, Chief of Staff in the armies of Imperial Russia during the First World War, Commander-in-Chief of the Volunteer Army during the Russian Civil War.

[3] Nariman Narimanov (2 April 1870 – 19 March 1925) was an Azerbaijani Bolshevik revolutionary, writer, publicist, politician and statesman. For just over one year, beginning in May 1920, Narimanov headed the government of Soviet Azerbaijan. He was subsequently elected chairman of the Union Council of the Transcaucasian SFSR. He was also Party Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union from 30 December 1922 until the day of his death.

[4] Mustafa Subhi - (born 1883 in Giresun, died 29/01/1921 in Trabzon), Turkish revolutionary, founder and president of the Turkish Communist Party, founded in June 1920 in Baku. In 1914, having escaped repression and taken refuge in Russia, he began to propagate Bolshevik ideas. In 1918, he founded the newspaper Yeni Dünya ("A New World"), which advocated the ideas of the October 1917 Revolution among Muslim workers in Russia and the Middle East. Arrested by Turkish gendarmes in Trabzon, he was drowned at sea.

[5] At the end of the First World War, there were approximately 60,000,000 Turkish prisoners in the territory of the former Russian Empire (Paul Dumont, 1977).

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