The October Revolution and the emergence of Soviet domination in the Caucasus (1917-1922) and Turkish-Soviet relations
Dr. Vazeh ASGAROV
Doctor of the University of Strasbourg
Vice-Rector of the Azerbaijan State Oil and Industry University (ASOIU)
Email: vazeh.askarov@asoiu.edu.az
https://orcid.org/0009-0003-0246-7069
Keywords: emigration, Soviet era, Soviet Azerbaijan, Red Army, Turkish-Soviet relations
Abstract: The October Revolution
of 1917 gave rise to a Provisional Government in Russia, which resulted in
significant territorial losses for Russia due to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
The loss of Baku in 1918 had serious repercussions for the Russian economy. In
early 1920, the rapidly expanding Bolsheviks sought to reestablish their
influence in the Caucasus and established diplomatic relations with Azerbaijan.
An ultimatum from the Azerbaijani Communist Party, issued on April 27, 1920,
resulted in the proclamation of a Soviet Republic after Bolshevik forces
entered Baku on April 30. This occupation marked the end of Azerbaijan's
democratic development for at least 70 years. Despite some disagreements among
local leaders, the Azerbaijani parliament ceded power to the Bolsheviks,
recognizing the strategic importance of Azerbaijan, particularly its oil
resources, to Soviet industrial efforts. This occupation laid the foundation for
strengthening Soviet control over the Caucasus.
In the early 20th century, relations between
Kemalist Turkey and Bolshevik Russia intensified after the October Revolution
of 1917, marked by abandoned tsarist ambitions and a shared desire to unify
Muslim peoples. In 1921, the Russo-Turkish Treaty of Moscow sealed a pragmatic
alliance, in which the Bolsheviks supported the Turkish resistance against the
Western powers. This alliance allowed the Bolsheviks to extend their influence
in the Caucasus, particularly in Azerbaijan, where they established a Soviet
regime after occupying Baku in 1920. However, the collaboration did not last.
Diverging interests and rising tensions led to a deterioration in relations. In
1922, Mustafa Kemal sought to distance Turkey from communism to strengthen his
position against the Allies. This initial alliance between Turkey and the
Soviets evolved into a real rivalry. The events of this period profoundly
influenced the geopolitics of the region and cemented Soviet domination over
Azerbaijan.
The Political Situation in Azerbaijan on the Eve of the
Occupation by the Red Army
With the outbreak of the October Revolution
in 1917, Russia became a republic with a provisional government headed by
Alexander Kerensky[1].
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed with the Germans resulted in territorial
concessions to Poland, part of Ukraine, the Baltic States, and others,
amounting to approximately 800,000 km². However, the loss of the Baku region in
1918 had harsh consequences for Russia, particularly as a result of the
economic blockade. With the shift in the situation in Russia in favor of the
Bolsheviks in early 1920, the question of Russian influence in the Caucasus and
Central Asia was resurrected. At this time, diplomatic correspondence between
Moscow and Baku began with the proposal for a military alliance against Anton
Denikin[2].
The Soviet Russian government, which initiated this dialogue, did not aim to
establish diplomatic and economic relations with Azerbaijan, but rather to gain
time for the preparation of military operations and, if the negotiations were
successful, to involve the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in the conflict with
Denikin in order to facilitate a seized recovery of the Republic. However, by
the beginning of 1920, the danger of Denikin had been replaced by the Bolshevik
threat. Receiving three telegrams in a short time, the Foreign Minister of the
Republic of Azerbaijan replied that the threat of Denikin was an internal
matter of Russia and that Azerbaijan, as a sovereign state, did not allow
itself to interfere in the affairs of another sovereign state. Minister F.
Khoyski recognized the need to establish good neighborly relations between the
Russian and Azerbaijani peoples and emphasized that recognition of the sovereignty
of the Republic of Azerbaijan could serve as a condition for the start of these
negotiations (I. Aliyev, 1995: 202).
In April 1920, the Entente leaders, having
once again reviewed plans for military aid to the Transcaucasian republics,
concluded that they lacked the strength to help them. In early April 1920, a
detachment of the 11th Red Army appeared on the border of the Azerbaijan
Democratic Republic and began intensive preparations for an attack on the
country. The Azerbaijani Bolsheviks demonstrated courage and determination to
inspire the working masses to address the urgent tasks of the revolution. They
organized conferences and reports in factories and oil fields, preparing
workers for political struggle, and consolidating international unity. Nariman Narimanov[3]
found time to visit the workers. The
lectures on the Russian Revolution, entitled "Political Parties and Their
Program," "Our Views on the Russian Revolution," and "The
Russian Revolution and Its Influence on Iran," were warmly received (Ahmedov,
1984).
On April 27, the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of Azerbaijan formed a Temporary Revolutionary Committee
chaired by Narimanov. He sent an ultimatum to the government of the republic,
which was completely unprepared for such a development of events. The armed
workers' detachments quickly took control of the oil fields, government
offices, the post office, the telegraph, the railway station, and the radio
station.
On the night of April 28, the parliament
accepted the ultimatum and Azerbaijan was immediately proclaimed a Soviet
Republic. On April 30, the detachment of the 11th Red Army entered Baku. A
group of Turkish officers led by Khalil Pasha actively contributed to
encouraging the local population not to resist the Red Army. Thus, as a result
of Russia's intervention, the National Government of Azerbaijan was overthrown,
which interrupted the development of democracy in Azerbaijan for at least 70
years. The eternal happiness of the
Republic of Azerbaijan is linked to Russia... Without Soviet Russia there is no
Soviet Azerbaijan, N. Narimanov launched a slogan whose words expressed the
hopes of the entire Azerbaijani people from the first days of the establishment
of Soviet power in Azerbaijan (Ahmedov, 1984: 25).
Azerbaijani Defense Minister S. Mehmandarov,
who had full responsibility for defending the country and knew that the entire
army was assembled in Karabakh to calm the multi-ethnic conflict, declared that
it was useless to resist and that this opposition would not bring any positive
results. Despite the refusal of some Mussavatists such as M. E. Rasoulzade and
Ch. Rustembeyli, Parliament decided to cede power to the Bolsheviks.
After the occupation of Azerbaijan, the
Russians mobilized on the Polish borders. The plan to occupy the entire
Caucasus would be realized a little later, with Armenia in December 1920 and
Georgia in February 1921 (Mahmudov, 2005). The occupation of Azerbaijan,
especially the city of Baku, was so important to the Bolsheviks that Lenin
expressed his certainty on April 29, saying: "We know that our industry has ground to a halt due to a lack of
fuel. We have just learned that the proletariat has seized power in Baku. This
means that we now have an economic base capable of supporting the operation of
our entire industry" (Asgarov, 2014: 139).
The Bolshevik leadership had always
considered this region an integral part of Russia, which in this matter drew closer
to its main adversary – the leaders of the "White movement". However,
unlike Denikin, the Bolsheviks were able to demonstrate a certain political
pragmatism that allowed them to achieve a convincing strategic victory – by
1921, the entire Transcaucasus was tightly controlled by Moscow and soon became
part of a united State.
From April 1920, a new stage began for
Azerbaijan, which preserved its "independence" after the
establishment of Soviet power. On April 30, a military-economic treaty was
signed between Russia and Azerbaijan. Foreign representations, including the
Russian consulate, operated in Azerbaijan. Evidence of Azerbaijan's successful
policy during this period can be seen in its efforts to defend Azerbaijan's
territorial integrity, as well as the Moscow and Kars treaties and the Genoa
Conference. In 1920, the first Congress of the Peoples of the East took place
in Baku. Realizing that the countries of the East were not aspiring to
revolutions, the Bolsheviks, taking into account their political interests,
abandoned the idea of maintaining Azerbaijan's independence. In December
1922, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia formed a temporary union. The creation
of the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR 1922-1936)
was the first step towards the loss of "independence" (Asgarov, 2022).
The creation of the USSR on December 30, 1922, put an end to this freedom for
Azerbaijan. Despite retaining a number of state attributes, including the flag,
coat of arms, anthem, and constitution, the state lost its status as a subject
of international law in several areas.
On May 12, 1920, the Internal Commissariat
abolished all ranks of Azerbaijani citizens. The third act of this decree
provided for the transfer of all property of merchants and wealthy people to
the Committee of the Revolutionary Army. For example, on June 21, 1920, the
Tagiev Cotton Factory was proclaimed property of the Azerbaijan Soviet
Socialist Republic and renamed in honor of Lenin. At the age of 96, Tagiev was
deprived of all his possessions and returned to his residence on the Apsheron
Peninsula. He died in poverty. A few years later, his youngest daughter, Sona
Khanim, was found begging on a Baku street with a piece of dry bread in her
hand (Suleymanov, 1996).
In the 19th century, oil transformed Baku
into a major capital. With its large number of millionaires, the city held a
leading position in the region. Baku's "black gold" attracted
specialists from all over the world. Among them were scientists, chemists, talented
engineers and architects, builders and inventors, as well as world oil
millionaires such as the Nobel brothers, the Rothschild brothers, the Artemov
brothers, etc. During this period, the city also had several wealthy oilmen
from Baku, including the most famous Haci Zeynalabdin Taghiyev, Agha Musa
Nagiyev, Murtuza Mukhtarov, Semsi Esedullayev, Isa Bey Hajjinsky, etc. However,
Baku's millionaires were different from their counterparts because they did not
inherit from their families and had gone from workers to millionaires. Some of
them played an important role in the economic, social, and cultural development
of pre-revolutionary Baku. The city attracted a large number of migrants: Jews
from Russia, Germans, Armenians, and Azerbaijanis (from both Russia and Persia).
With the oil boom, cultural life flourished. The opening of theaters and the
construction of the Opera House made Baku known as the Paris of the Caucasus.
In the early 1920s, with the nationalization of the assets of millionaires,
some managed to flee abroad; others continued their resistance until their
deaths.
In September 1920, Azerbaijan no longer had
the right to maintain its own army. At that time, the signing of the
unification of the economy, finance, transportation, and military of Azerbaijan
with Russia gave all power to Moscow.
The years 1922 and 1991 encompassed the
period of the establishment of Soviet power in Azerbaijan, which led to its
existence for 70 years within the framework of Soviet power and the Soviet
state. During these years, a rich economic and intellectual potential was
created in Azerbaijan. However, the history of Soviet Azerbaijan began with
repression and revolts. In the 1930s, massive "cleansing" began in
the USSR. In 1936, the RSFSR was abolished and the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist
Republic was incorporated into the USSR as an independent republic ruled by
Moscow. Azerbaijani Turks officially began to call themselves Azerbaijanis, and
their national language became Azerbaijani.
Turkish-Soviet Relations at the Beginning of the 20th
Century
After the Bolshevik victory over the White
armies in 1920-1921, the liberal Soviet policy towards the Muslim peoples of
Russia did not last long. Soviet rule was established in all the Muslim
territories of former Russia. It was also necessary to establish an alliance
between the Kemalist and Bolshevik powers. Beginning in 1919 and continuing
until early 1921, this Turkish-Soviet alliance presented the Allies with a
formidable alliance, each ready to take advantage of the first sign of weakness
in its partner. Finally, on March 16, 1921, a treaty called the Russian-Turkish Treaty of Moscow was
signed (Mandelstam, 1970). The Turkish-Soviet rapprochement and the attempt at
Bolshevization of Anatolia had a significant impact on Turkish-Azerbaijani
relations. Six months after the first treaty was signed, on October 13, 1921,
another treaty (Kars) was signed. With this last treaty signed, on the one hand
between the Soviet republics of Transcaucasia (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia)
and on the other hand with Kemalist Turkey, the borders of these countries were
fixed and the movement of the population towards Turkiye was limited. The
situation of Azerbaijani migrants in Turkiye, no longer having any contact with
these countries, has become difficult. With the border closure, many
politically engaged people could no longer escape reprisals from the new
government.
The Turkish-Soviet approach takes us to April
1916, two years before the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed on March 3, 1918,
when the great powers of the Entente divided the territories of the Ottoman
Empire among themselves by secret treaty. Tsarist Russia's gains after this
agreement were the recognition of rights to Constantinople (Istanbul), the
Dardanelles, and a large eastern part of the Empire. However, with the 1917
revolution, the Bolsheviks changed their position and put an end to tsarist
ambitions, encouraging Mustafa Kemal to organize resistance against the
Franco-British. The Bolsheviks, "in the name of peace," having
emerged victorious from the First World War, almost immediately found
themselves allies of Turkiye. The international situation and the influence of
European countries on Turkey and Soviet Russia provoked their alliance despite
all their traditionally problematic relations. According to Paul Dumont, the
first Turkish-Bolshevik relations began in May 1919. Soviet Colonel Budennyj,
while in Turkey, provided weapons, ammunition, and money in exchange for the
installation of a regime based on Bolshevik principles in Anatolia (Dumont,
1977/1: 167). Knowing that there were approximately 25 million Muslims in
Russia at the time, the Soviets' relations with the Turks were explained by
their desire to bring the Muslim world to their side and by the hope of Bolshevizing
Anatolia. The task of communist propaganda among the Muslim people of Turkey
was carried out by Mustafa Suphi, the leader of the Turkish Communist Party[4].
The Turkish communist leader mobilized
Turkish prisoners in Russia and, with his 200 collaborators, led by Khalil
Pasha and other Turkish officers, assisted the Red Army in the
"liberation" of Azerbaijan[5].
Mustafa Suphi
However, Turkiye concerned about its
independence from the Western powers, needed military and diplomatic support
from Soviet Russia. In 1920, Russia established close contacts with
representatives of Mustafa Kemal, who had come to head the Turkish
administration. The offensive of British troops in Istanbul on March 16, 1920,
had a decisive influence on the nature of Turkish-Soviet relations in obtaining
military aid. Mustafa Kemal's letter to Lenin on April 26, 1920, states the
following: If Soviet forces begin
military operations against Georgia, or if diplomatic relations force Georgia
to join the union to expel the British from the Caucasus, the Turkish
government would undertake military operations against imperialist Armenia and
undertake to force the Republic of Azerbaijan into the Soviet Union
(Aliyev, 1995: 203).
The rapprochement with the Turks gave the
Bolsheviks an additional opportunity to attract a large number of the Muslim
population of the Caucasus to their side. As Ordzhonikidze pointed out to
Lenin: Immediately after the capture of
Baku, Turkish soldiers and officers played a very active role in the
revolution, which forced the government to flee Baku (Volkhonskiy,
Mukhanov, 2007). Researcher R. Moustafazade believes that Kemalist Turkey's
approach to Soviet Russia was the most important factor in the fall of the
Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan (Mustafazade, 2006: 44). Paul Dumont (1977/1:
169) points out in his article, "Turkish-Soviet
Relations of 1919-1922," that: "The nationalist strategy had from
this time on as its main focus the creation of a common border with the
Bolsheviks in order to facilitate the arrival of the expected aid. In short, it
was a matter of assisting in the Bolshevization of Azerbaijan, Georgia, and
Armenia in exchange for Soviet support for the Anatolian cause.
After the occupation of Baku, the Eleventh
Red Army's promise to save Turkey was not fulfilled. Turkish officers were either
arrested or sent back to Turkiye. Mustafa Subhi himself was assassinated in
Trabzon. The Turks believed that the arrival of the Red Army in Azerbaijan
would deal a blow to the Entente, their common enemy, and that this would
contribute to more effective collaboration between Turkey and the Soviets. The
lack of interest in the Sovietization of the power in Ankara led, in March
1922, to the deterioration of Turkish-Soviet relations and the resumption of
collaboration with the Allies and good neighborliness. As Paul Dumont explains:
[…] Mustafa Kemal wanted to improve the
image of nationalist Turkey before entering into negotiations with the Allies.
This was […] to signal to the capitalist world that Turkey was closed to
communism and that it would never tolerate Bolshevik interference in its
affairs (Dumont, 1977/1: 184).
Conclusion
The period following the October Revolution of 1917 was crucial for
Russia and the Caucasus region, marked by profound transformations and major
geopolitical shifts. The loss of Baku and the establishment of a Soviet
Republic in Azerbaijan not only weakened the Russian economy but also laid the
foundations for lasting Soviet control over the Caucasus. The alliance between
Kemalist Turkey and the Bolsheviks, while initially promising, quickly
collapsed due to diverging interests, highlighting tensions between national
aspirations and political ideologies. This complex context profoundly
influenced regional dynamics, fostering Soviet domination that would persist
for decades. An analysis of this period reveals the interconnectedness of
events at the local and international levels, thus shaping the future of many
Caucasus countries and their relations with the great powers of the time.
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[1] Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky
(02/05/1881 - 11/06/1970) held various ministerial positions in the first two
governments of Prince Georgy Lvov and after the February Revolution and was the
president of the next two until the Bolsheviks took power during the October
Revolution.
[2] Anton Ivanovich Denikin (born
04/12/1872 in Poland, died 08/08/1947 in the United States). Russian general,
Chief of Staff in the armies of Imperial Russia during the First World War,
Commander-in-Chief of the Volunteer Army during the Russian Civil War.
[3]
Nariman Narimanov (2 April 1870 – 19 March 1925) was
an Azerbaijani Bolshevik revolutionary, writer, publicist, politician and
statesman. For just over one year, beginning in May 1920, Narimanov headed the
government of Soviet Azerbaijan. He was subsequently elected chairman of the
Union Council of the Transcaucasian SFSR. He was also Party Chairman of the
Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union from 30 December 1922
until the day of his death.
[4]
Mustafa Subhi - (born 1883 in
Giresun, died 29/01/1921 in Trabzon), Turkish revolutionary, founder and
president of the Turkish Communist Party, founded in June 1920 in Baku. In
1914, having escaped repression and taken refuge in Russia, he began to
propagate Bolshevik ideas. In 1918, he founded the newspaper Yeni Dünya
("A New World"), which advocated the ideas of the October 1917
Revolution among Muslim workers in Russia and the Middle East. Arrested by
Turkish gendarmes in Trabzon, he was drowned at sea.
[5]
At the end of the First World War, there were approximately 60,000,000 Turkish
prisoners in the territory of the former Russian Empire (Paul Dumont, 1977).